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Showing posts with label Christianity. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Christianity. Show all posts

A Benedict XVI Christmas

By George Weigel
http://www.nationalreview.com
December 24, 2012


Historians of religious studies would likely regard the past two centuries as the apogee of biblical scholarship. And it’s certainly true that we know far more about the times, customs, languages, thought patterns, worldviews, and literary styles of the people of the Bible and the people who wrote the Bible than did, say, Benjamin Franklin or Thomas Jefferson (two biblically conversant, though deeply skeptical, Founders). Yet all that knowledge has led, not to a renaissance of biblical literacy, but to precisely the opposite.
Outside the thriving worlds of evangelical Protestantism and the rather enclosed world of Orthodoxy, skepticism about the veracity and trustworthiness of the Bible is too often the order of the day among church-going (and even Bible-reading) Christians in the 21st-century West. Two centuries of a historical-critical approach to the Bible, filtered through inept preaching, have led to profound dubieties about what the Bible can tell us. “That didn’t really happen” and “That’s just a myth” — thoughts that simply wouldn’t have occurred to believers of the past — are the skeptical “gotchas” that now pop immediately to mind when many Christians hear the Bible proclaimed in their worship or read the Bible at home.
Joseph Ratzinger, the 265th Bishop of Rome, is a man of the Bible who knows the historical-critical method inside and out — and who has spent the better part of the last three decades trying to repair the damage that an exclusively historical-critical reading of the Old and New Testaments has done to both faith and culture. In the second volume of his trilogy,Jesus of Nazareth, published in 2011, Ratzinger put his intellectual cards on the table, face up: “One thing is clear to me: in two hundred years of exegetical work, historical-critical exegesis has already yielded its essential fruit.” If modern interpretation of the Bible was not to “exhaust itself in constantly new hypotheses,” Ratzinger continued, scholars had to learn to read the Bible again through lenses ground by faith and theology, including the theological reading of Scripture developed in the first Christian centuries and in the Middle Ages. It was necessary, in other words, to practice the ecumenism of time when reading and trying to understand the Bible.
And what is true for biblical scholars is surely true for other believers. We, too, must learn to approach the Bible with what the French philosopher Paul RicĹ“ur once called a “second naĂŻvetĂ©”: not the naĂŻvetĂ© of the child, but the openness to wonder and mystery that comes from having passed through the purifying fires of modern knowledge without having one’s faith in either revelation or reason reduced to ashes and dust. That is what Joseph Ratzinger has tried to do in hisJesus of Nazareth triptych: to offer 21st-century believers and 21st-century skeptics alike a theologically informed reading of the life of Jesus that is indebted to what can be learned from historical-critical scholarship but that does not treat the Bible the way a coroner treats a cadaver: as something dead to be dissected.
The third panel of the Ratzinger triptych, Jesus of Nazareth: The Infancy Narratives, was recently published by Image Books. And, in yet another demonstration of the maxim that no good deed goes unpunished, Ratzinger, long caricatured as “God’s Rottweiler” by the more vicious boobies of the world press, quickly morphed into the Papal Grinch Who Stole Christmas, as one journalistic illiterate after another stressed one utterly irrelevant point after another: the pope noting en passant that the traditional ox and ass of millions of crèche scenes are not in fact mentioned in Luke’s infancy narrative; the pope writing that, according to the text, the angels in the fields above Bethlehem “said” “Glory to God in the highest” rather than singing that salutation. (Nick Squires, Rome correspondent of the London Daily Telegraph, even claimed that Pope Benedict’s hardly surprising acknowledgment that Jesus was probably born in what we know as 6 or 7 b.c. — the misdating is owing to a medieval scribal error — could raise “doubts over one of the keystones of Christian tradition”: as if it were a “keystone” of Christian faith that Jesus was born on December 25, 0.)
But this is all froth, and thin froth at that. Those who read Benedict on the infancy narratives without the distorting bifocals of postmodern skepticism and sheer ignorance will find a rich reflection on the meaning of the Christmas story. And in the course of his theologically focused exegesis of these beloved ancient texts, the scholar-pope makes several points of capital importance for our present cultural circumstances, and does so in his typically limpid prose.
The first of those points involves the Jesus genealogies in the gospels of Matthew and Luke, which drive clergy untutored in Hebrew pronunciation to distraction (and which may sound, to the irreverent, like starting line-ups during the NCAA men’s basketball tournament). These genealogies, Benedict insists, are not literary filler. They make the essential, theological point that Jesus is, uniquely, the universal particular: a man born in a specific time and place who nonetheless fulfills the promise that “all the nations of the earth shall bless themselves” by Abraham and his progeny; the son of the Most High who, nevertheless, is legally a son of the house of David, because of Joseph’s righteousness in taking this child of mystery as his own, naming him, and bringing him and his mother into his home; the eternally begotten Son who did not come “with the timelessness of myth” but who belongs, as Ratzinger writes and the gospel of Luke insists, “to a time that can be specifically dated and a geographical area that is precisely defined.” Here, with the child in the manger, “the universal and the concrete converge,” for it was in him that “the Logos, the creative logic behind all things, entered the world,” so that “place and time” are fully participant in the redemption — a redemption anchored in history and geography, not abstracted into mythology.
All of this hinged on an act of human freedom, which is Benedict’s second, crucial point, and the essence of his analysis of the Annunciation story. Following the theological lead of a medieval doctor of the Church, Bernard of Clairvaux, the pope describes the angel Gabriel’s visit to the virgin of Nazareth in these dramatic terms:
After the error of our first parents, the whole world was shrouded in darkness, under the dominion of death. Now God seeks to enter the world anew. He knocks at Mary’s door. He needs human freedom. The only way he can redeem man, who was created free, is by means of a free “yes” to his will. In creating freedom, he made himself in a certain sense dependent upon man. His power is tied to the unenforceable “yes” of a human being.
That “yes,” that “be it done unto me according to your word” (Luke 1:38), is, with the Resurrection, one of the two cornerstones of Christian faith. God does not contradict his creation in the virgin birth or in raising Jesus of Nazareth from death, the pope writes. “But here we are not dealing with the irrational or contradictory, but precisely with the positive — with God’s creative power, embracing the whole of being. . . . If God does not also have power over matter, then he simply is not God. But he does have this power, and through the conception and resurrection of Jesus Christ he has ushered in a new creation.” God has finally gotten, we might say, what he had intended and desired all along. The power of divine love, first poured out in creation, has become the history-defining and cosmos-changing power of redemption.
That cosmic dimension of what an earlier generation, rather too beholden to Teutonic exegetical neologisms, called the “Christ event” is underscored in Benedict’s charming handling of the magi story. Always the theologian, preacher, and catechist, Benedict is, of course, far less interested in who the mysterious “wise men” from the east were than in what their adventure meant — and means.
First, that these visitors were gentiles means that the promise noted above, that all nations would be blessed in Abraham and his seed, is being fulfilled in this “newborn king of the Jews.” And second, the “star rising in the east” (Matthew 2:2), which leads to the Christ child in Bethlehem, puts an end to astrology and gives us an important indicator of the truth about humanity and its destiny. The ancient belief in the stars as divine powers who shaped, even determined, the fate of men and nations is supplanted by the truth of the matter: as the pope writes, “it is not the star that determines the child’s destiny, it is the child” (and his Father, whose will is to reveal the truth about man to man) who “directs the star.” And here, for the skeptical and the cynical, is the truth about that Self that postmodernity puts at the center of everything. Here is what the pope calls the true “anthropological revolution”: “human nature assumed by God — as revealed in God’s only-begotten Son — is greater than all the powers of the material world, greater than the entire universe.”
So: Who takes humanity more seriously: Richard Dawkins, or Benedict XVI?
Jesus of Nazareth: The Infancy Narratives ends with a brief explication of a gospel passage that has comforted generations of parents dealing with the mysteries of teenagers: the curious episode of the finding of the young Jesus in the Temple. Here, as in the Annunciation, Benedict’s accent is on freedom rightly understood: the kind of freedom that leads to, rather than away from, authentic piety.
In this first recorded exercising of his human freedom, the young Jesus is neither defying his parents nor challenging the Jewish piety of his day. As the pope writes, “Jesus’ freedom is not the freedom of the liberal,” the freedom of the imperial, autonomous Self. “It is the freedom of the Son, and thus the freedom of the truly devout person. Jesus brings a new freedom: not the freedom of someone with no obligations, but the freedom of someone totally united with the Father’s will, someone who helps mankind to attain the freedom of inner oneness with God.”
Thus the culmination of the Christmas story and the gospels’ infancy narratives offers Americans, through the wisdom of Benedict XVI, something important to ponder as we, and indeed the entire West, consider the true meaning of freedom and the liberating power of obligation on the verge of what seem likely to be challenging years ahead.
— George Weigel is Distinguished Senior Fellow of Washington’s Ethics and Public Policy Center, where he holds the William E. Simon Chair in Catholic Studies. 

How to Read The King James Bible


The New Republic

An Unintended Tribute to Chuck Colson from the Left

By Mark D. Tooley
http://frontpagemag.com/
April 24, 2012

Voices across the religious and political spectrum have hailed the legacy of Charles Colson, the former Nixon White House staffer who, after his Watergate-related imprisonment, founded a global evangelical ministry for prison inmates.

One exception is Franky Schaeffer, a self-described regretful founder of the Religious Right and son of the late great evangelical theologian, who rejected his father’s legacy and now spits venom at seriously religious people, on his blog, in his books, and sometimes for The Huffington Post.

“Wherever Nixon is today he must be welcoming a true son of far right dirty politics to eternity with a ‘Job well done,’” Schaeffer snarked. An earlier draft of his diatribe headlined that Colson had “gone to his reward,” implying an eternity other than Heaven. But even in his reposted new draft, Schaeffer was churlish: “Evangelical Christianity lost one of its most beloved and bigoted homophobic and misogynistic voices with the death of Charles W. ‘Chuck’ Colson, a Watergate felon who converted to ‘evangelicalism’ but never lost his taste for dirty political tricks against opponents.” (Link to entire piece below)
Bitter towards his devout parents and most of his old allies and friends, Schaeffer conspiratorially claims that conservative religious activists target abortion and same sex marriage primarily to trick working class traditionalists into voting Republican. Or as he elegantly claims of Colson: “Few men have done more to trade (betray?) the gospel of love for the gospel of empowering corporate America and greed through the misuse of the so-called culture war issues to get lower middle class whites to vote against their own economic interests in the name of ‘family values.’”

Himself now cynical and unmoored from any transcendent moral tradition, Schaeffer assumes that his targets, including Colson, are similarly jaded.

But if Colson’s conversion and over 35-year evangelical ministry were other than genuine, he was a master performer. Across 4 decades, Colson’s “Prison Fellowship” touched hundreds of thousands of lives around the world. Prison inmates neither vote nor typically are potential contributors. But Colson made his life’s work offering otherwise hopeless and forgotten people the hope of transformation that he found in the Gospel as he faced incarceration. He cheerfully proclaimed himself a former miscreant who was delivered solely by God’s grace. As driven and focused in ministry as he was as Nixon’s ostensible “hatchet man,” Colson was a joyful warrior.

Seemingly consumed by his own demons, and himself rarely evincing any joy as he trashes family and former friends, Schaeffer maybe resents the opposite trajectory of Colson’s life compared to his. Literally dying with his boots on at age 80, falling ill at a conference he organized after delivering his final speech, Colson’s departure from this world was the perfect finale for an evangelist and social reformer. It recalls pious British Prime Minister William Gladstone’s own stated wish to die while worshipping in a church, or former President John Quincy Adams, exerting himself for abolition, collapsing on the U.S. House of Representatives floor while delivering his final oration.

Unlike the power obsessed, Religious Right stereotype preferred by Schaeffer, Colson emphasized private ministry over political action. Chastened by his own role in the Nixon Administration, Colson warned fellow evangelicals not to rely on the pursuit of power. In his last speech, delivered at the Wilberforce Weekend Conference that he named after his hero, the great British abolitionist, Colson insisted: “Elections can’t solve the problem we’ve got.” Instead, believers should work through their churches to redeem individuals and the culture. “Look in the mirror, that’s where the problem is,” he suggested, with passive churches in mind. “This is a moment when the time is right for a movement of God’s people under the power of the Holy Spirit to begin to impact the culture we live in.”
Faith in a transcendent authority superseding the New York Times, Hollywood, or the latest academic fads, is always infuriating to the Left, which typically searches for the ostensibly REAL agenda motivating traditional religious believers in America.

In his rambling anti-tribute to Colson, Schaeffer denounced Colson and all of the “neo-conservative/Roman Catholic” friends who gave a gloss of “intellectual respectability and aid and comfort to what were nothing more than oppressive ideas rooted in an anti-Constitutional theocratic far right wish list for changes that were supposed to roll back the parts of the democratic processes – say Roe v. Wade, women’s rights and gay rights — that far right Catholics and Protestants didn’t approve of.”

Schaeffer thinks Colson was plotting theocracy as he preached to, prayed with, and wept among thousands of prison inmates who were his chief focus across the decades since his own release from prison. The allegation speaks more of Schaeffer than Colson. But all of the lavish tributes showering upon Colson’s memory may have discomfited Colson, remembering the Gospel warning to beware when all men speak well of you.

In contrast, Schaeffer’s hatefully absurd diatribe maybe would have provoked an appreciative and amused smile. And maybe Colson is now consulting with Schaeffer’s late father, prayerfully plotting the return of a sadly wayward son.

Related:

Colson: An Evangelical Homophobic Anti-Woman Leader Passes On -
http://frank-schaeffer.blogspot.com/2012/04/colson-evangelical-homophobic-anti.html

Frank Schaeffer's Fundamentalist Fakery -
http://blog.acton.org/archives/26720-frank-schaeffers-fundamentalist-fakery.html

BOOK REVIEW: ‘God’s Right Hand’

By Robert Knight - Special to The Washington Times
http://www.washingtontimes.com/
April 24, 2012

GOD’S RIGHT HAND: HOW JERRY FALWELL MADE GOD A REPUBLICAN AND BAPTIZED THE AMERICAN RIGHT
By Michael Sean Winters
HarperOne, $28.99, 440 pages

When his best friend took a shine to the girl Jerry Falwell wanted to court, Falwell volunteered to mail his friend’s love letters, and threw them away, mailing his own. The girl was his friend’s fiancee. It worked, and in 1958 Mr. Falwell married Macel Pate, to whom he was devoted until the day he died of a heart attack at age 73 in his Liberty University office on May 15, 2007.

Far from denying his expediency, Falwell often cheerfully told the story of how true love for Macel conquered all, including his scruples.

Born Aug. 11, 1933, in Lynchburg, Va., with his twin brother Gene to a Baptist mother and hell-raising, entrepreneurial father, Falwell was not only devout but pragmatic, doing whatever it took to build institutions to advance God’s kingdom.

He founded the now-mega Thomas Road Baptist Church in Lynchburg during the 1950s, incorporated the Moral Majority on June 6, 1979, and helped to elect Ronald Reagan in 1980 and 1984, and both Presidents Bush.
In 1971, he founded Lynchburg Baptist College, which became the largest evangelical Christian college in America - Liberty University - complete with a law school, Division I athletic squads and a debating team that regularly wins the national championship, including 2009 through 2011. (Full disclosure here - my son and daughter graduated from Liberty, and I knew the reverend personally.)

The cover blurbs from Larry Flynt, George Stephanopoulos, the Rev. Jennifer Butler and liberal columnist E.J. Dionne would lead one to suspect that “God’s Right Hand” was another unflattering cartoon treatment of Falwell. But Michael Sean Winters, who works for National Catholic Reporter, instead provides a rich, engaging portrait of one of the most consequential figures in recent political and religious history.

The author does two things admirably: He takes Falwell’s faith and goals seriously, and also makes it clear that the rise of the “Religious Right” came as a defensive reaction to an increasingly intrusive and coarsening culture. It’s to Mr. Winters‘ credit that he allows this crucial insight given that he shares few of Falwell’s political views. Drawing heavily from Falwell’s autobiography, and a book by his widow Macel, Mr. Winters paints a full-blooded picture of his subject’s rise to prominence.

The book’s few errors and omissions seem more out of ignorance than malice - most of the time. He describes James Dobson only as founding the Family Research Council, never mentioning Mr. Dobson’s far larger Focus on the Family radio ministry that reached millions. Mr. Winters also exposes his own reflexive liberalism, such as ticking off a number of stances that Falwell favored that sound right out of a Tea Party platform, and commenting, “Falwell’s sermons adopted some of these coded racist tropes.” Because so much of the book is fair, barbs like this provide a jolt.

Anecdotes abound, such as Falwell’s tricks as a youth pastor. He’d drive around Lynchburg in his Plymouth and remove the steering wheel while secretly holding pliers on the steering column. Then, he’d hand the wheel to newcomers in the passenger seat, astounding them. Within a year, he had recruited 56 students to his Sunday school. Right up to his death, he played pranks on Liberty students and even appeared in students’ spoof videos.

For years, Falwell eschewed politics, content to win souls to Christ. That changed as he saw the culture, the courts and liberal politicians wage war on biblical values. As Mr. Winters puts it, “Christians who had been content to absent themselves from mainstream culture began to wonder how long their self-imposed exile would be respected by outsiders trying to change their way of life. … [T]he cultural match was lit on the precise issue of sex education.”

As the book amply chronicles, Falwell was the catalyst for transforming millions of conservative Christians into a reliable voting bloc of the Republican Party, a marriage fraught with potential and real conflicts. What makes this book different from most “outside” accounts is Mr. Winters‘ appreciation of Falwell’s faith, his genuine love of people - even Ted Kennedy, porn magnate Larry Flynt and Falwell’s ghost writer turned homosexual activist Mel White - and the preacher’s boundless energy.

Disappointingly, Mr. Winters continues the myth about the “Teletubbies” character “Tinky Winky.” The National Liberty Journal had cited a Washington Post in/out list that said the lavender-colored boy Tinky Winky, who sported a purse and an upside-down triangle on his head was an “in” homosexual character. The media spin became Falwell “outing Tinky Winky.”

Not exactly true, but worth its weight in gold to his critics. Despite such blemishes, the book is well researched and a vital account of the man and his times.

Robert Knight, senior fellow at the American Civil Rights Union and a columnist for The Washington Times, has written several books, including “Ten Truths About Socialism and Radical Rulers” (Coral Ridge Ministries, 2010).

The Wideness of Worldview: Remembering Chuck Colson

My dentist appointment was as early as I could make it so that I could get my cleaning and beat the traffic to work. As my dentist completed his review of my mouth, the phone rang. It wasn’t the usual ring. It was that special ring that sounded like a European police car in a James Bond movie. Chuck Colson calling his daily radio show’s managing editor.

“Jim, I was on the phone yesterday with the White House and they’re going to nominate Harriet Miers to the Supreme Court. We have to talk about this on BreakPoint tomorrow!”

"Chuck,” I replied, “I’m at the dentist.”

“That’s fine. Let me tell you what we need to say.”

The only strange part of the story — beside the nomination of Harriet Miers to the Supreme Court — was that it happened while I was at the dentist. “Jim, have you seen today’s New York Times? It’s outrageous! Tomorrow on BreakPoint, I want to say…” was a regular part of working for Chuck.

He was interested in everything from politics to prisons, entertainment to euthanasia, stem cells to sexuality, literature to liposuction. Chuck believed, in the words of theologian and statesman Abraham Kuyper, words he quoted often, “In the total expanse of human life there is not a single square inch of which the Christ, who alone is sovereign, does not declare, ‘That is mine!’” This belief that Christ is Lord over everything was the prime motivation for all that Chuck accomplished from prison ministry to worldview.

In fact, it can be argued that Prison Fellowship as it stands today is the institutional embodiment of Chuck’s spiritual and intellectual journey as he perceived more clearly the implications of the Gospel.

In Born Again, Chuck’s book about his coming to Christ in the aftermath of Watergate, he relates a moment of crisis that was part of his conversion. Driving home after visiting with his friend Tom Phillips in August 1973, Chuck pulled his car to the side of the road and wept.

And then I prayed my first real prayer. “God I don’t know how to find you, but I’m going to try! I’m not much the way I am now but somehow I want to give myself over to you.” I didn’t know how to say more so I repeated over and over the words “Take me.”

Then the gracious, loving, providential hand of God — the hand we typically expect will keep us out of uncomfortable or unhappy circumstances — took Chuck and locked him behind bars. Mocked in the press, abandoned by his old political allies, the money and power gone, Chuck traded his law practice and beloved Brooks Brothers suits for a job in the prison laundry and a used prison uniform.

The advice he heard before entering Maxwell Federal Prison Camp was to do his time quietly and privately. Keep to yourself. No practicing law. No giving advice. No getting involved in the lives of other inmates. But he couldn’t do it. Soon he was listening to legal and personal problems and helping his fellow inmates with letters to their judges, parole boards, and families. It broke his heart to see his fellow inmates languishing without Christ and without any chance to move on with their lives.

According to the Prison Fellowship website, as Chuck sat working on a letter for an inmate, a prisoner angrily yelled at him, “What are you going to do for guys like us when you get out?” Chuck promised he would never forget the men at Maxwell. “Bull!” the prisoner responded. “Big shots like you get out and forget little guys like us.”

Perhaps God used the at-times pugnacious, “I’ll-show-you” part of Chuck’s personality. Perhaps God gave him eyes to see through the prisoner’s anger to the inner hurt. But whatever God used, Chuck never forgot and Prison Fellowship (PF) was born out of a desire to see prisoners come to faith in Christ and live as disciples during their incarceration and after their release.

The effectiveness of the ministry is beyond doubt given the number of ex-offenders I met during my tenure at BreakPoint whose lives were turned around through the repentance and faith PF’s ministry helped bring about in their lives.

As the prison ministry became established and flourished, a new thought began to grow in Chuck’s mind: the criminal justice system was failing many. The victims of crimes, the communities impacted by crime, and criminals as individuals were given scant consideration. The Bible, Chuck came to see, taught a better way, a way of restorative justice instead of simple punitive justice.

In response to his growing convictions, Chuck established Justice Fellowship, the restorative justice advocacy arm of Prison Fellowship that promotes a system of justice that seeks to repair crime’s injuries to victims, communities, and offenders. The Gospel for Chuck had become much bigger than conversion and personal discipleship and his organization came to reflected that new thinking.

One of the issues Justice Fellowship dealt with was overcrowding and the sheer number of inmates in the United States. How, Chuck wondered, could the wealthiest nation in the world be so plagued with immoral and criminal behavior? The answer, he discovered, was false worldviews — even in the church — and BreakPoint radio and all its related initiatives were born to propose the rightness of a Christian worldview.

Colson biographer Jonathan Aitkin quotes a letter Chuck sent to PF donors in the early days of BreakPoint.

I believe that for too long we Christians have looked at our faith as simply a devotional relationship or as church-going, in short just one part of our life. But the fact is our God is Lord of all, and as His people we must articulate His truth in every area of life.

With age, Chuck lived out those words in increasingly expansive ways. At a time of life when many if not most people’s visions for their lives get smaller, Chuck’s vision became enormous. Consider a few of his projects from the past few years.
  • The Centurions Program was Chuck’s succession plan. Inspiring and training a hundred men and women every year to “articulate His truth in every area of life,” he hoped that they would go out to inspire and train thousands more. And they’ve done it.
  • The Colson Center is designed to resource thoughtful Christians in articulating truth.
  • The Manhattan Declaration is inspiring a movement to defend life, marriage, and religious liberty.
  • “Doing the Right Thing” looks at the need for a renewal of ethics and morality in American life.
And the next project he had in mind was perhaps the biggest of all: a movement of Christians to reform education — public, charter, private and Christian — from Kindergarten through university. This is a vast undertaking for someone half his age, but, then again, he never thought that way.

Chuck’s huge vision, insatiable desire to know, efforts to “take every thought captive to Christ,” and amazing ability to get things done were a reflection of what may have been his deepest core belief.

Chuck believed he was to be a good steward of the age in which he lived for as long as God let him live. That’s not his language. As a good Marine (and he was always a good Marine), Chuck talked about doing his duty, standing at his post, and taking the next objective.

Thank you, friend, for showing the way. We’ll take it from here — or, at least, I pray we will.

More of Jim Tonkowich's writing can be found at www.jimtonkowich.com.

Related:

A Life Transformed: Remembering Chuck Colson by Kristin Wright

Chuck Colson, Trophy of God's Grace by Dr. Jerry Newcombe

Evangelical Leader Chuck Colson Dead at 80


The infamous convicted Nixon adviser became famous for prison reform, evangelical-Catholic dialogue, and his Christian worldview.

http://www.christianitytoday.com/


Charles Colson, respected evangelical leader and former President Nixon adviser, died Saturday afternoon at age 80 from complications resulting from a brain hemorrhage.
Over the span of several decades, Colson became one of evangelicalism's most influential voices within the movement and to the broader culture. Observers suggest Colson will likely be best remembered for his prison ministry, behind-the-scenes political involvement, work on evangelical and Catholic dialogue, and his cultural commentary.
In many ways, Colson's life encapsulated the eclectic nature of evangelicalism. His example shaped how evangelicals would promote ministry and social justice, evangelism and ecumenicism, cultural and political engagement, radio and writing, and scholarship and discipleship.
"His demonization in the 1970s has been replaced by lionizations in the 2000s—at least among the nation's 65 million evangelical Christians," Jonathan Aitken wrote in his 2005 biography. Aitken portrayed Colson as an important but flawed figure in evangelicalism, "America's best-known Christian leader after Billy Graham."
Before his conversion to Christianity, Colson was described as an aggressive political mastermind who drank heavily, chain smoked, and smeared opponents. He served as special counsel to President Richard Nixon from 1969 to 1973 before he was indicted on Watergate-related charges, which led to a 7-month prison term. After his conversion experience, he published Born Again, helping popularize the term many evangelicals use to self-identify.
Colson's public commitment to his faith drew initial skepticism from those who wondered whether he was attempting to profit from a conversion narrative. Criticism faded over time with his 30-plus years of commitment to prison ministry.
"The most important takeaway is that he was a specimen of God's amazing grace, one of the most remarkable in modern times," said Timothy George, dean of Beeson Divinity School at Samford University. "Over time, he proved to the whole world that this is the real thing."
Colson's "born again" phrase began to catch on in mainstream culture. Before the 1976 election, a reporter asked Jimmy Carter if he was "born again." "Yes, I am born again," Carter said. Reporters took notice and began to analyze and popularize the phrase that attempted to capture the Christian conversion story of repentance, redemption, and spiritual re-birth.
The same year, national magazines deemed 1976 the "year of the evangelical," the year conservative Christians took on the political scene.
Colson was a key adviser in the George W. Bush administration, according to Aitken's biography. He was a confidant and adviser on faith-based issues such as human rights, the war in Sudan, persecution, AIDS in Africa, sex trafficking, prison reform, and partial birth abortion.
"Chuck's influence was not limited to 'What are evangelicals thinking?'" said Karl Rove, Bush's deputy chief of staff. "He was willing to provide guidance on that, but he was more interested in, "Here's what an evangelically-minded president ought to be concerned about in fulfillment of the admonition that ‘To much is given, much is expected.'"
President Bush publicly supported Colson's work, asking Congress in his 2003 State of the Union address to allocate $300 million to help prisoners. His influence was not limited to politics, Rove said.
"In all of my dealings with him in the last 15-20 years, I found him to be one of the most kind and gentle and thoughtful human beings I've ever met," Rove said. "His life was a witness to his deep faith who nurtured the faith of others in deep and profound ways."
As Jerry Falwell and Pat Robertson gained much of the media attention for their political involvement, Colson took a more backstage role.
"He stood out from the crowd because he had connections to elite society that most evangelical leaders lacked," said Larry Eskridge, associate director of the Institute for the Study of American Evangelicals at Wheaton College. "In that way, he was a valuable addition to the fold simply because he knew people."
As evangelicals negotiated political activism, they would call on Colson to give advice and make introductions, Eskridge said. "He never quite had an empire in the way that James Dobson or Jerry Falwell did," Eskridge said. "He kind of fits the evangelical entrepreneur mold in the sense of how he took the bull by the horns and created Prison Fellowship out of pretty much nothing."
Aiming to convert convicts into citizens, Prison Fellowship has successfully capitalized on church-based voluntarism.
“Chuck was a bridge builder,” said Jim Liske, CEO of Prison Fellowship. “He birthed an organization to empower the local church that continues to bring shalom to communities. He constantly looked for ways to help other organizations do the same thing.”
The ministry operates in 1,300 correctional facilities with about a $40 million budget and works with over 7,000 churches in the United States.
"His legacy will be a clear example of a person whose experience with Christian conversion evidenced itself in a clear and profound way," said Michael Cromartie, vice president at the Ethics and Public Policy Center. "He's an example of a public figure whose conversion stuck and evidenced in ways that were socially important."
Prison Fellowship's Angel Tree Ministry delivers thousands of Christmas gifts each year to children of inmates.
"Chuck enlarged and broadened evangelical outreach by emphasizing the inclusion of a strong biblically rooted justice component," said Samuel Rodriguez, president of the National Hispanic Christian Leadership Conference.
Colson graduated from Brown University and earned a law degree from George Washington University before joining the Nixon administration. His personal life included some messy parts. Colson had three children with his first wife, Nancy Billings, whom he later divorced. In 1964, he married Patty Hughes, his wife of nearly 50 years. He has described his divorce as "the unhappiest and least attractive part of my life." After Watergate, he served seven months in prison.
In his later years, Colson would note his relationship with his autistic grandson, Max. Colson wrote the prologue and epilogue to his daughter Emily Colson's 2010 book Dancing With Max (Zondervan).
Colson's cultural and political commentary reached millions of readers and listeners. His books, including his 1976 autobiography Born Again, have sold more than 25 million copies. His radio show BreakPoint reaches more than 1,200 outlets, and his Wilberforce Forum promotes Christian worldview thinking and teaching. In 1993, Colson won the Templeton Prize of $1 million for progress in religion. His award money, speaking fees, and royalties went to Prison Fellowship.
“He allowed a humbling period to define him and his whole posture to the culture,” said Eric Metaxas, who has written biographies of Dietrich Bonhoeffer and William Wilberforce. He took over for Colson on BreakPoint's radio show after Colson fell ill. “One of the important things about Chuck is his commitment to worship God with our minds. As incredibly serious Chuck was about theology and evangelism, he brought those things into the public sphere.”
Colson was also known for his efforts in getting those from different backgrounds to collaborate. His personal life almost seemed to embody an evangelical-Catholic alliance. He was Southern Baptist with an admiration for John Calvin, Abraham Kuyper, and Francis Schaeffer, while his wife, Patty, is Catholic. He collaborated with Richard John Neuhaus to launch Evangelicals and Catholics Together, which produced a 1994 statement that alienated Colson from some leaders over evangelical/Catholic differences.
"Chuck and Richard helped wave caricatures aside. Catholics saw in Chuck Colson somebody who was a serious, intellectual, thoughtful guy, not some hick or hillbilly," said Robbie George, a professor at Princeton University. "We're certainly in much better shape than we were even 20 years ago."
In 2009, Robert George, Timothy George, and Colson collaborated together to form the Manhattan Declaration, asking Christians to stick to their convictions, even if it means civil disobedience.
"He was willing to sacrifice influence and standing if he thought that what he was doing meant taking up his cross," Robert George said. "It's hard to envision a world without Chuck."

Related Elsewhere:

Jonathan Aitken's "Remembering Charles Colson, a Man Transformed" also appears on our site today, as does an interview with Karl Rove, George W. Bush deputy chief of staff.
Christianity Today published a lengthy profile of Charles Colson in 2001.
Colson wrote a regular column for Christianity Today:
Flaming Truth: Recalling Francis Schaeffer's Challenge | With laser-like precision, Schaeffer hit on the fundamental issue of our day. (February 15, 2012)
Education Is in Our DNA | We should support every effort to upgrade our failing schools. (December 13, 2011)
The 'Big Love' Strategy | What are Americans learning from pop culture portrayals of polygamy? (October 18, 2011)

Q & A: Ross Douthat on Rooting Out Bad Religion

Why the New York Times columnist wants to see America return to its confessional roots.



Bad Religion: How We Became a Nation of Heretics
by Ross Douthat
Free Press, April 2012
352 pp., $26.00

The biggest threat facing America is not a faltering economy or a spate of books by famed atheists. Rather, the country meets new challenges due to the decline of traditional Christianity, New York Times columnist Ross Douthat suggests in Bad Religion: How We Became a Nation of Heretics (Free Press). Douthat has taken his own personal tour of American Christianity: he was baptized Episcopalian, attended evangelical and Pentecostal churches as a child, and converted to Catholicism at age 17. He argues that prosperity preachers, self-esteem gurus, and politics operating as religion contribute to the contemporary decline of America. CT spoke with Douthat about America's decline from a vigorous faith, modern heretics, and why we need a revival of traditional Christianity.
What do you mean when you say we're facing the threat of heresy?
I try to use an ecumenical definition, starting with what I see as the theological common ground shared by my own Catholic Church and many Protestant denominations. Then I look at forms of American religion that are influenced by Christianity, but depart in some significant way from this consensus. It's a C. S. Lewisian, Mere Christianity definition of orthodoxy or heresy. I'm trying to look at the ways the American religion today departs from theological and moral premises that traditional Protestants and Catholics have in common.
How did America become a nation of heretics?
We've always been a nation of heretics. Heresy used to be constrained and balanced by institutional Christianity to a far greater extent than it is today. What's unique about our religious moment is not the movements and currents such as the "lost gospel" industry, the world of prosperity preaching, the kind of therapeutic religion that you get from someone like Oprah Winfrey, or various highly politicized forms of faith. What's new is the weakness of the orthodox Christian response. There were prosperity preachers and therapeutic religion in the 1940s and '50s—think of bestsellers like Norman Vincent Peale's The Power of Positive Thinking—but there was also a much more robust Christian center.
The Protestant and Catholic churches that made a real effort to root their doctrine and practice in historic Christianity were vastly stronger than they are today. Even someone who was dabbling in what I call heresy was also more likely to have something in his religious life—some institutional or confessional pressure—tugging him back toward a more traditional faith. The influence of heretics has been magnified by the decline of orthodox Christianity.
Have evangelicals created a fertile ground for heresy?
People have asked, "Don't all the trends that you describe go back to the Protestant Reformation?" Since I am a Roman Catholic, I do have sympathy for that argument [laughs]. But it's important not to leap to a historical determinism about theological and cultural trends. Some of the trends might represent the working out of ideas inherent in Protestantism or grow out of religious individualism that is more Protestant than Catholic. But I don't think it was necessarily inevitable that we reached this point. It's a long way from Martin Luther's On the Freedom of a Christian to Eat, Pray, Love, and a vigorous Protestantism should be able to prevent the former from degenerating into the latter.
You suggest that Christian leaders from earlier decades contributed to the decline of traditional Christianity by trying to accommodate cultural norms. Would you consider Oprah, Glenn Beck, and others to be today's accommodationists?
We're in a slightly different era today. There were tremendous cultural challenges to Christianity in the 1960s and '70s that both liberals and conservatives struggled to respond to, starting with the sexual revolution. "Accommodationists"—what we think of as liberal Christians, Protestant and Catholic—weren't out to destroy Christianity. They saw their mission as a noble one, preserving institutional Christianity in a new era. Their choices ultimately emptied Christianity theologically, but they intended to save the faith, or at the very least their own denomination.
The heretics I write about aren't detached completely from Christianity. Some of them identify as Christians and like the idea of identifying with Jesus. But they aren't interested in sustaining any historic Christian tradition or church apart from their own ministry.
Instead of trying to reform and strengthen institutional Christianity, they're picking through the Christian past, looking for things they like and can use, and discarding the rest.
Why do you claim that one of evangelicalism's contemporary struggles is an alignment with former President George W. Bush?
The Bush administration represented both the best and worst of a broader evangelical reengagement in politics and culture. It was the fulfillment of this post-1970s era when evangelicals reengaged with the broader culture, returned to the halls of power, and left the fundamentalist past behind. That you had an evangelical President and his speechwriter drawing on Catholic social teaching to shape domestic policy was a remarkable achievement, a sign of what you might call "the opening of the evangelical mind." And some of the Bush administration's initiatives, such as its aids in Africa efforts, made a real attempt to achieve a more holistic Christian engagement in politics.
But the administration exposed the limits of using politics to effect broader cultural change. The Bush era was the moment when religious conservatives finally had one of their own in the White House, but it wasn't a great era for evangelicalism or for institutional Christianity. But it's pretty clear that institutional religion in the United States has lost more ground than it's gained in the past 10 to 15 years. While evangelicalism is obviously quite robust, evangelical churches aren't growing as fast as they were during the 1970s and '80s. Instead of being a period of revival and renewal for evangelical Christianity, the Bush era looks like a period when evangelical Christianity hit a ceiling.
After 9/11, evangelicals were also particularly tempted toward what I call the heresy of nationalism: that promoting democracy overseas by force of arms would be God's will, which is at best a theologically perilous idea, and at worst, explicitly heretical.
How has Christianity historically tempered nationalism?
The idea that America has some distinctive role to play in the unfolding of God's plan is compatible with orthodox Christianity. But it should be tempered by recognizing that America is not the church. It's fine to see ourselves as an "almost-chosen people," as Abraham Lincoln put it, but if we decide we're literally chosen, then we've taken a detour away from a healthy patriotism towards an unhealthy nationalism.
Lincoln was not an orthodox Christian, but we can look at his second inaugural address as a model for how Christians should think about these issues. He was open to the idea that history unfolds in a providential way, that the American Civil War could have theological as well as political significance.
But he tempered that by emphasizing that providence and God's purposes are mysterious. He emphasized that God simultaneously passed judgment on North and South alike, that the war is a chastisement rather than a pure apotheosis of the American idea. If you're too confident in assuming that America's and God's purposes are one, you tiptoe toward idolatry.
Why do you say that Mormons and evangelicals can bridge their divides through their love for the Constitution?
Mormons and evangelicals share the temptations that come with an admirable patriotism. There's a tendency for them to take patriotism one step too far and say not only that the Constitution is a wonderful document, but that it is divinely inspired. There's a reason so much of Mitt Romney's campaign rhetoric has focused on "believe in America," singing "America the Beautiful," and so on. These kinds of gestures and emphases offer a way to ease evangelical doubts about his theology. In effect, he is saying, "Whatever our different beliefs about the nature of the Trinity, we agree that America is uniquely favored by God."
Are there parallels between the desire to build an "evangelical empire" and the desire to build up America as a Christian nation?
You could connect the prosperity gospel—especially its idea that good Christians need never be poor—with Glenn Beck's view, that if America had stayed true to its founding, then God would not have given us the Great Recession
But the nature of heresy is not that it takes a Christian teaching and gets it completely wrong. Instead, it takes a Christian teaching and emphasizes it to the exclusion of anything that might counterbalance it. It isn't wrong to suggest that there are biblical passages that state that God blesses his servants in this life as well as the next. There are biblical passages that suggest a link between a nation's morality, a nation's religious beliefs, and its historical fate.
But Christian orthodoxy always counterbalances those emphases with other truths. Sometimes God uses a pagan nation to bring forth his justice. So you might succeed and prosper not because you are particularly virtuous, but because you're that pagan nation, Babylon or Assyria, not King David's Israel. You have to be aware of these possibilities. The same is true for wealthy people, and obviously all blessings come from God. But sometimes what you think of as "blessings" may be ill-gotten gains. Or the guy who is suffering financially isn't suffering because he didn't pray hard enough; he's Lazarus on your doorstep and you're the rich man who's ignoring him.
Why do you think evangelicals have been reticent to look to the government while maintaining a robust political impulse?
Evangelicals are less likely to look to a government program for help, but they are more likely to see the election of particular individuals as the key to fulfilling Christian purposes. Evangelicals have a healthy skepticism of the efficacy of government, but they are tempted by the delusion that if you just elect the right godly leader, deeper cultural trends will change overnight. Or they see adverse trends as a result of individual bad actors. Evangelicals were galvanized into politics in part by a series of Supreme Court decisions, which were the work of five or six people who you could point to and say, "He's the guy who took away prayer in schools." This has given rise to the popular idea that cultural changes stem from all these liberal, secular elites imposing themselves on a conservative Christian population. But I don't think this view considers the role that broader cultural and economic shifts have played in trends that conservative Christians don't like.
How can we begin to address a nation of heretics?
There has been much healthy Catholic and Protestant dialogue and cooperation during the past 30 years. But ultimately the success of U.S. Christianity depends on individual churches and confessions, not on ecumenism for ecumenism's sake. Protestants and Catholics need to recognize everything we have in common and then say we're also going to focus on building separate effective churches.
Christianity's failure in the United States is an institutional failure, and the answer to institutional failure is stronger institutions. America has more to gain from a more potent Protestantism and Catholicism than it does from even the most fruitful Protestant-Catholic dialogue.
For evangelicals, it means thinking more seriously about ecclesiology and what it will take to sustain Christianity across generations. Promise Keepers, Campus Crusade for Christ, and other parachurch groups have been important to evangelicalism. But "parachurch" makes sense over the long term in the context of a church. The danger for evangelicalism is becoming too parachurch without enough church. Some megachurches seem to function like parachurches rather than churches, as though everything else that's going on is more important than the central life of the community of worship. It might be important for evangelicals to think of themselves as Presbyterians, Baptists, and so on, and recover the virtues of confessionalism, because it's confessions, not just superstar pastors, that sustain Christianity over the long haul.
How did you arrive at your final point: that Christians can work to become more political without being partisan, ecumenical while being confessional, moralistic while being holistic, and oriented toward beauty?
I tried to think about the attractive aspects of post-war American Christianity that we have lost. Being political without being partisan was crucial to the successes of the civil rights movement. Figures like Billy Graham and Fulton Sheen were ecumenical but remained confessional. And it was easier to be moralistic, but also holistic, in that context because the country was not polarized on what we now think of as a culture war.
There are reasons why Christianity has lost some influence in creative culture. You want to live in a world where the opening of a new cathedral in a major American city is not only a religious event but also a major architectural event. You want to live in a world where Christian artists aren't going to be merely interesting eccentrics. People write about Marilynne Robinson as a great novelist, but they also say, "And she's a Calvinist." You want to live in a world where that feels natural.
How do you adapt to cultural forces while maintaining tradition?
You have to address the issues and places where orthodoxy has lost people over the past few decades without just saying, "We're losing people here, so we just need to change this teaching or jettison this," which was the accommodationist answer. There's evidence to suggest that churches that self-consciously surrender big chunks of Christian teaching don't seem to thrive in the long run. Also, it has to be possible to be Christian on contentious cultural issues without making it seem like Christianity is just an appendage of the Republican Party.
Finally, it's very important for contemporary Christians to be ecumenical and to see the best in one another's congregations, but not at the expense of having a robust, resilient internal culture within their own churches. Lewis compares his "Mere Christianity" to a hallway with doors opening into various rooms, which are the actual Christian churches. You can't spend all your time in the hallway. You can go out into the hallway to talk, but you have to go back in the rooms to worship.

Related Elsewhere:
Bad Religion: How We Became a Nation of Heretics is available from Christianbook.com and other retailers.
Christianity Today previously interviewed Ross Douthat prior to the 2008 election about evangelicals' place in the Republican Party.
Previous CT articles about politics include:
Mass Appeal: Evangelicals Copy More of Catholic Playbook to Oppose Contraception Ruling | Mandate has evangelicals and Catholics finding common ground on ethics—and strategy. (April 1, 2012)
Timeline: Obama Administration Actions Affecting U.S. Religious Freedom | How we got to the current religious liberty debates over contraception and other issues. (March 23, 2012)
The Cure for Election Madness | How to be political without losing your soul. (January 6, 2012)
Other recent CT interviews include:
Jesus Through Jewish Eyes | Why Jewish New Testament professor Amy-Jill Levine thinks Jews should know more about Jesus, and Christians more about first-century Judaism. (April 1, 2012)
Sailing into the Storm: Philip Ryken and D. Michael Lindsay on the Challenges in Christian Higher Education | College presidents discuss the relevance of Christian higher education, the theological issues facing Christian universities, and more. (March 7, 2012)
Commander and Chaplain: The Faith of Presidents | Gary Scott Smith explores how faith has influenced presidential policies. (January 4, 2012)



Ross Douthat: Bad Religion: How We Became a Nation of Heretics from Augustine Institute on Vimeo.